DOES CIVIL RIGHTS MEAN INTEGRATION?
Pray tell those who march, cry out for mixture,
to merge and mingle, has freedoms parity lost?
Tis freedom the loud cry, hence the natural order
of life will set the tone of consolidation.
Ralph and Catherine, just like most Blacks, had formed some ideas about integration. A particular incident happened when Catherine attended Roosevelt University for six months during the 56-57 school terms. This was before she and Ralph attended Lane College during the 57-58 school term. While at Roosevelt University Catherine recalls an everlasting example of discrimination. She like so many other Black students was struggling financially. So she applied for financial aid but, she never received any word on the status of her claim. Meanwhile the country was being invaded by Hungarian refugees. Many of these immigrants enrolled at Roosevelt University, Catherine noticed that these new refugees received all the benefits available to students. Even though her ancestor’s slave labor had helped to build the United States she could not get any assistance. But people from another country could, only because they were not of the Black race.
Ralph pursued various job possibilities and career choices when they returned to Chattanooga in 1964. Catherine on the other hand was hired immediately at Erlanger Hospital in the emergency room. Ralph expressed his feelings that were typical of that day and time after Catherine told him of an incident in the dining room at Erlanger. Catherine worked with a number of white nurses in the emergency room. Although when it came time to eat lunch she had to go to a small undesirable area designated for Blacks. Meanwhile, her white counterparts went into a modern well lighted clean dining room. One particular day Catherine decided to eat in the dining room with her white co-workers. She felt no sense of inferiority and felt she just as much right to eat in the dining room as anybody else.
When Catherine told Ralph about the incident, he said "girl what is wrong with you, you going over there sitting down." This was the time of the sit-ins and mass protest by Blacks, but nothing developed from the incident. In some respects' Catherine felt that Ralph's statement was comical but this was the attitude of Black people at this time. They had been conditioned to think a certain way and to stay in their place, and this was the ultimate result of Jim Crow.
The school desegregation issue was a very hot issue during this time. Catherine recalls that although white people had no objection in most instances to working with Blacks the school issue was a different matter. One day one of her white co-workers who claimed to be a Christian boldly said she did not want her children going to school with Black children. Ralph and Catherine like most all other Blacks in America who lived either north, south, east or west were confronted with some aspect of racism.
Ralph had also worked at a hospital when he was quite young. Charles Caldwell a family friend got Ralph a job as an orderly at Memorial Hospital when he was in high school. Ralph had dreams of becoming an orthopedic surgeon, as he was fascinated with the human bone structure. Bonnie Edwards was also a good friend of Ralph during his early years. The Henderson family, Joseph and Cecil were also special friends that Ralph cared for throughout his life. Just like Ralph his friends also witnessed the changing times and the move toward equality.
So the picture window continued to unfold the struggle between Black and white, the haves and the have-nots. Black people had been conditioned to accept what those who had been assigned leadership status said about civil rights. Thus, most Blacks, during the height of the civil rights movement in the 60's, believed that integration was the way to achieve equal rights.
This leads us to the question. Does civil rights mean integration? Well it's according to whom you talk to. The integrationist believed that the only way, for example, for Blacks to have an equal education was to integrate the schools. Thus, one can clearly see that evidently civil rights must mean integration because if one can integrate he has acquired civil rights.
On the other hand it is also possible to achieve civil rights without integrating. In this instance civil rights means equal access and parity that should be assigned to all American citizens. This question is not complex; but it has been lost in confusion, just like most of the questions concerning integration. A good framework of analysis can be found in how Blacks have interacted with the federal government over time. This framework exposes the different priorities of Black people that they feel would render them freedom.
With the passage of the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments newly freed Blacks established faith in Congress. With the passing of Reconstruction the Southern hatemonger’s were reborn in the U.S. Senate and Congress. By the 1880's the Supreme Court established the "separate but equal" doctrine. Blacks now believed the Supreme Court was their friend and would render fair treatment. But, the implementation of court decisions always depends on the chief executive. It is also very important how constitutional guarantees are first interpreted by the courts and by the president.
No doubt then the American presidency, from the turn of the century up to the civil rights era, has had a great impact on our question. Black people had been conditioned to accept Booker T. Washington as their leader. Washington, as an ally of the white power brokers who wanted to keep Blacks on the plantation, was invited to the White House. In 1901 Theodore Roosevelt invited Booker T. Washington to the White House for dinner. This gesture impressed Blacks and they concluded that Roosevelt was their friend.
Independent Black thinking so soon after slavery was rare. Very few Blacks realized that Washington worked for the white power brokers against his own people, Black people. Thus, the gesture by Roosevelt was about the business of directing a so-called Black leader toward the continued economic exploitation of his people. Meanwhile Roosevelt made a few Black appointments. Roosevelt tried to cater to Blacks, but William Howard Taft did very little to appease Blacks. So as Blacks continued to be lynched and murdered, Booker T. was hailed by white America as a savior of Black and white relationships.
The disenchantment with the Republicans grew and Blacks began to look at the Democratic Party for help. Woodrow Wilson, a skillful politician, wooed Black voters and won the election. In so doing the largest amount of anti-Black legislation ever introduced in an American Congress resulted. For example, Wilson segregated most of the Black federal employees in the use of rest rooms and dining facilities. By 1915 Booker T. Washington had died. Monroe Trotter, who was considered a radical, led a group of Blacks to the White House. President Wilson, a typical racist of his day was only interested in talking with Black Uncle Toms. Trotter did not have an Uncle Tom posture like Booker T. Washington, thus, he and his supporters were thrown out of the White House.
World War I was approaching. Blacks felt they could help fight for freedom abroad and win freedom at home. So by April 1917 Blacks joined the Armed Forces in droves. Victory in Europe did not spell victory over racism at home. Meanwhile the Republican administrations of Warren Harding and Calvin Coolidge listened to Black leaders but took very little action. The history of Blacks as exclusive Republicans was ending. The old Republican Party, as the party of Abe Lincoln, was now a party of big business. The interests of the poor and ex-slaves were not a priority. Also in 1928 the Republicans took Black support for granted and attempted to gain support from southern voters.
As the depression approached, Black people were hit harder because they had less in the first place. So by 1932 the Democratic Party, with their social welfare programs, became a living reality for the Black masses. Lomax notes that there were two things that enhanced FDR's prestige with Black voters:
"1. It was public knowledge that both the president and his wife had Negroes as personal friends.
2. Roosevelt brought a number of “Negro specialists" to Washington as aides and advisors to major government departments known as the "Black Cabinet." 1
Roosevelt thus far was considered by the Black masses as their greatest friend in the White House since Lincoln. By 1941 A. Philip Randolph threatened a march on Washington. Randolph and his Black supporters were protesting discrimination in federal contracts. Roosevelt issued an executive order that struck down discrimination in businesses with government contracts. The Fair Employment Practices Committee was later established because of this action.
Harry Truman made his mark by issuing an executive order to end segregation in the Armed Forces. This event occurred in 1948. World War II had ended and again Blacks thought that a victory for Democracy overseas would translate into Democracy for Blacks in the United States. General Eisenhower succeeded Truman in the White House. Eisenhower was a Republican and challenged Truman when he moved to desegregate the Armed Forces. Led by the NAACP legal staff, the Black masses again looked to the Supreme Court. Then came the 1954 Supreme Court decision declaring segregated schools are unconstitutional.
Now Blacks had a change in attitude. In 1952 very few Blacks voted for Eisenhower. The Black masses rallied to the democratic candidacy of Adlai Stevenson. In 1956 Blacks reconsidered and over 40% voted for Eisenhower. Finally after 60 years of non-action the Congress passed a civil rights bill in 1958. The 1960's was one of the most significant periods in U.S. history. This period was especially significant for Black Americans. Also, a liberal Democrat entered the White House in the presence of John F. Kennedy. Kennedy was very rich, Catholic and from Massachusetts. The times were filled with a revolt by descendants of slaves for their constitutional rights denied because of their legacy as slaves. All human beings with humane principles realized the criminal abuse placed on these people. For the record these despised people are the people of God who accepted Jesus Christ as the Messiah. It was just a matter of time for significant changes to take place. Blacks had hopes that these changes would provide some semblance of mercy and justice to the descendants of slaves whose ancestors’ labor power aided in the establishment of the United States as a world power.
Since the last days of Reconstruction the despised and downtrodden Black man and woman had been struggling for rights as citizens. Sixty years into the next century Black people were filled with a burning desire for respect and parity. This emotional upheaval was mis-directed by unrealistic philosophies and frivolous elitist notions toward social mobility. Within this atmosphere appeared the Kennedy clan that co-opted the civil rights movement. As the traditional civil rights organizations acted like they were challenging Kennedy, the reality was quite different. The reality was that Kennedy knew the difference between Martin Luther King and Malcolm X. So all of the traditional civil rights organizations, including newly co-opted SNNC, were given large sums of money to operate.
Meanwhile Kennedy had a grand strategy. This strategy would, from JFK's assessment, give respect to the Black man in the south. Thus he instructed "his" civil rights organizations to sponsor voter registration drives throughout the south. One cannot discount the merits of Black registered voters who use the vote as a tool for equal rights, but Kennedy most likely had other motives. Sustained voter registration would take some energy away from Black direct action campaigns. Also Kennedy, as the white savior of Black America, would benefit from the Black vote come election time. This period would also witness some evidence of school desegregation.
In Chattanooga at the beginning of 1962 the local newspapers reported that city officials were preparing for a peaceful transition. 2 Meanwhile the city leaders were also attempting to delay the process by saying there would be violence.
"Mrs. Constance Baker Motley filed a brief citing the original desegregation ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1954 and states that the high court in its 1955 opinion in that suit provided for "flexibility in school desegregation, not delay. " 3
The Federal Court eventually insisted on a gradual plan of desegregation. This plan would start with the first three grades in 16 designated grammar schools by next fall. The completion of desegregation of all schools, elementary and high school was to be completed by September 1968. The following interesting reminder was noted in a Times article.
"The Chattanooga system has operated on a biracial system since it was organized in 1872. Chattanooga High School was established in 1874. Howard High was organized more than 40 years ago. Before it came into existence, Negro high school students attended the Lincoln High School operated by Hamilton County." 4
The confusion over desegregation, integration and equal access is an on-going dilemma for Black people and America even today. The "freedom of choice" concept is one concept that has a relationship to the terms. By March of 1962 the Chattanooga Board of Education developed an admissions and transfer plan that would insure both Black and white parents "freedom of choice." This decision would allow the choice between two schools during the transition to a desegregated school system.
In response to the "freedom of choice" ruling counsel for the Black children noted that this measure was violating the Supreme Court ruling. But Raymond Witt counsel for the School Board declared that "segregation in public schools is unconstitutional only when it results from the state acting in such a way as to deny admission to schools because of race alone." 5
Mr. Witt was definitely one of the leading segregationists and racists of that era. But Mr. Witt and other racists helped form a particular segregationists' philosophy. This philosophy was at times a response to certain tactics of Black integrationists and their supporters. Here we credit racists with helping us better understand the confusion over segregation, integration and equal access.
The following reply by Mr. Witt in response to the Black counsel's request for total desegregation is profound:
"Some would have the federal courts believe the 14th amendment requires the states to take affirmative action in their public schools to make certain that each child is in a classroom composed of children of both races. They support their thesis by arguing that otherwise the Negro children are being deprived of an equal educational opportunity. Under this viewpoint, the desires of the Negro parents are irrelevant as are the desires of white parents." 6
As the showdown approached the business community also got involved. The economic effects of the failure to maintain law and order were noted and so were the possible negative media reports. William Brock a business leader said "the answer to possible violence is community leadership." 7
Finally, at the beginning of the 1962-63 school years, Black and white children enrolled at the same schools. Integration occurred at the city and county schools. "Forty Negro children were enrolled in six formerly all-white schools. Eleven Negro pupils were enrolled in an orderly manner in two formerly all-white elementary schools in Hamilton County." 8
Civil rights laws were also passed that included public school desegregation. The civil rights law of 1964 struck down racial discrimination in voting procedures, certain areas of public accommodation and public facilities, and in some places of employment.
There was also an analysis of the Black experience coming from those that understood the economic motives of racism. Robert Allen gives a different view of civil rights and the concept "Black Power" than the integrationist philosophers. Allen makes the following statement concerning civil rights laws:
"Civil rights laws became merely more testimony to the truism that American democracy is subservient to the economic and political interests of those who hold power." 9
Ingrained in Allen's statement is the fact that the economic interests in America control the political arena. Civil rights laws and the civil rights movement were manipulated by the controlling economic interest in America. For example the civil rights movement was a middle class movement. These class lines held in check any real improvement for the Black masses.
So as the economic powers directed the political arena to control the civil rights movement there were token gains made by the Black middle-class. Allen argues that nonviolent demonstrations definitely presented a challenge to the morality of white America. Although the power brokers did not see the movement led by King as a threat to the entrenched distribution of power. Meanwhile the Black (bourgeoisie) middle class is set with confusion. As integrationists, this group takes on white attitudes when at all possible. Since it is impossible for Black people to become white they suffer from a gross identity crisis. They legitimately relate to Black people, i.e., the Black middle-class and attempt to relate to white people.
This period also produced the so-called Black militants. The militants were advocates of “Black Power" and tried to make some sense of the confusion established by the "wannabe whites." So to some Black power advocates Blacks needed to be more involved in the political system. They sought to reform the social system.
"The militants were sophisticated enough to know that integration was not satisfactory because it did not change political relations and consequently could not affect the oppression suffered by most Blacks. Therefore it was logical to conclude that only the political integration of Black people as a group into American society could offer any real hope." 10
One reason that militants were not a strong voice was the Ford Foundation. As noted earlier the Ford Foundation had made a move to control the traditional civil rights organizations. Before 1966 the Ford Foundation had only been involved in donating money to education and research projects in an effort to motivate Blacks to become middle-class wannabe whites. The Ford Foundation saw a grave need to manipulate and control the civil rights movement through its leadership and organizations. So the NAACP, Urban League, SCLC, CORE and SNCC became lackeys of racist white America. The Black Panther Party was not made up of middle-class Blacks. Their fate was different, because they refused to be controlled.
To gain the greatest clarity over the confusion of integration we need to closely examine what the Black Nationalists were saying. Thus the question is posed, should Blacks want integration? Then there are those that claim that there can be no solution to the problems of Black Americans without full integration into the mainstream of American life. Separatism is another term that also causes confusion along with segregation, integration and equal access. Because proud conscious Blacks want, their own institutions do not mean they are a bunch of Black supremacist. So developing Black neighborhoods is not separatism and the continuation of segregation. The confused Black integrationist mis-directed the civil rights movement when they declared that integration in essence is only fulfilled in a predominately white environment.
"The more important problem is a good deal subtler: What do Negroes really mean by integration? As C. Eric Lincoln asks the question, do Negroes want "true integration," or do they want what he terms "a conspicuous, superficial integration that relieves them of the self-hatred and insecurity that come from second-class citizenship." 11
How can integration relieve Blacks that suffer from inferiority complexes? This is why there is so much confusion on this subject. Unfortunately the Black integrationists are so filled with inferiority and self-hatred that they see integration as assimilation not only into the mainstream but to lose their lowly cultural identity.
My answer to this insane notion is that all Black institutions including schools are not necessarily inferior. It is for sure they are not inherently inferior because they are Black. These institutions logically may suffer inadequacies because of lack of funds to repair the physical structure of the building and lack of equipment. Again white people give us more clarity about these confusing concerns than Black civil rights advocates.
"The experience of the European ethnic groups suggests that integration need not mean assimilation, that integrating the Negro into the mainstream of American life does not depend, indeed, cannot depend, on making color irrelevant by making it disappear as a fact of consciousness." 12
If white people know it is impossible for Blacks to disappear thorough assimilation, why don't Blacks conclude this also? Again we see the confusion over integration and equal access. This confusion is noted in the Black integrationist believing that mixing and not equal access will remove his self-hatred and provide freedom. No doubt these integrationists are very close to being insane because this is abnormal behavior.
Lerone Bennett argues that there is a white problem in America. There is also a Black problem in America. If white people have developed a particular mental attitude toward Blacks, so have Blacks developed an attitude toward whites. The reality is that white America, including those that are racist, largely have come to conclude that Blacks are inferior. So on the other hand Blacks and/or the integrationists have also come to conclude that they are inferior.
So Blacks have a responsibility to make the correct analysis about their predicament. This has been difficult, especially for the Black masses, because throughout the history of man the masses have been ignorant. However, in the case of the Black masses the efforts of exploitation have been a planned and calculated tactic of racism.
It is for sure that just because many white people have come to believe their own lies and falsehoods it does not mean that I, as a Black person, should also believe in an untruth. So often the ignorant white racist sincerely believes that he is a part of a superior race and that all Blacks or nonwhites are inferior.
Bennett makes good sense when he defines racism in the context of economics. "We must come to see that racism in America is the poor man's way out and the powerful man's way in: A way in for the powerful that derive enormous profits from the divisions in our society." 13
So a mental attitude of racism based on the dominate race as superior and the subservient as inferior developed. At the core of this premise is economic exploitation. Thus, those that were in the ignorant ranks, of the white community and those that took on the ways of the ignorant, in the Black community accepted this rule and lived by it.
"From 1619 to 1660, a period of primary importance in the history of America, America was not ruled by color. In the 1660's, men of power in the colonies decided that human slavery, based on skin color, was to be the linchpin of the new society. Having made this decision, they were forced to take another, more ominous step. Nature does not prepare men for the roles of master or racist. It requires rigid training." 14
Regardless of a climate of hate that is propelled by racism many Blacks now want to integrate. These Blacks do not bring equal access into the equation but see integration as an idea of race mixing. To really capture the ideas of the integrationist let's look at some of the things Edward Brooke has to say about this subject. Edward Brooke was the first Black U.S. Senator of U.S. modern history. Brooke was also a Republican. If Senator Brooke was still around today, he would most likely join hands with J.C. Watts, Clarence Thomas and the few other clones of high-level Republican syncopathanism. Here is Brooke's statement on integration.
"The Negro wants to live in an integrated society with all that implies. He no longer is willing to live on the outside looking in. He wants his children to attend good schools. But he also wants them to attend integrated schools. He wants school busing as necessary but temporary relief in the establishment of integrated schools. But he also wants the destruction of the Negro ghetto which among other benefits will establish permanent school integration." 15
This is the classic example of a people so mistreated that now they want to join the oppressor. Evidently the Black Holocaust has been the ultimate in degradation and oppression. I know some of you are thinking, well, with some prisoners of war they have joined those who have incarcerated them. But, is there any valid reason supporting the right of one group of human beings to enslave another human being, especially an act of slavery based solely on economic exploitation? Even after that particular economic system had become out-dated and the slaves received freedom, the acts of economic exploitation continue.
No wonder Blacks have wanted to separate from white people. Some Blacks are so confused, that they want no part of the confused integrationist philosophy. It is interesting that Bayard Rustin places' Booker T. Washington in the ranks of the separatist. Historically most separatist have expressed some feelings of Nationalism. But this was not so for Booker T. Washington.
Unfortunately if we accept Rustin's claim, Booker T. Washington is the only separatist in our history who preached separatism of Blacks and whites based on Black inferiority. Washington openly says that Blacks are inferior and should take a subservient position to white people. Booker T. Washington foolishly thought Blacks could gain dignity from, accepting a, slave mentality. I imagine Booker T. felt that even though Blacks were inferior to Europeans there was some dignity found among the race though they were not equal to whites. As an aside, contemporary integrationists led by Thurgood Marshall and the NAACP legal team came to believe that Blacks became inferior when whites would not allow them to integrate.
Rustin seeks to answer the dignity question with using three examples. Here he argues there are three ways Blacks can maintain dignity.
"1. By gradual advancement in the economic order.
2. By being a participating element of the democratic process.
3. Through the sense of dignity that emerges from their struggle. Blacks gained dignity from King, and the successful Montgomery boycott and Selma." 16
So now if Booker T. Washington is confused over the question of Black dignity in white racist America, what about Bayard Rustin. Surely all Black people did not proclaim that they received dignity from the King led boycotts and non-violent campaigns. Although many intellectuals in the Black community have been co-opted by racist power brokers there is much to gain from education. Ignorance allows exploitation and oppression. What is the case when one is not ignorant? Well, there are different viewpoints. For example, some Blacks thought King was a savior and supported non-violent demonstrations. Many other Blacks preached a conscious feeling of Black Nationalism and vowed to protect themselves, their family and community from offensive acts of violence by white America.
Usually it took more reasoning power to become a Black Nationalist than it did to blindly follow a civil rights leader in America. There, (as mentioned earlier) are also those that are intellectuals in the Black bourgeoisie of whom we just spoke. They knew both sides of the issue. Some sincerely believed in integration and some strongly believed in Ford Foundation money. Education no doubt is a good way to examine our question does civil rights mean integration? To some, quality education for Black people can only be attained through integrated schools. Then there are those who believe that quality education for Blacks can only be obtained by Black controlled community schools.
The history of civil rights litigation for Black Americans can be placed in two different frameworks. These two different models both have merit and one cannot fully understand this phenomenon without realizing the essence of both models. First one can argue that leading up to Brown v. Board of Education in 1954 the court dealt with precedents. These precedents began with the Dred Scott decision of 1857 and gained more direction with the Plessey vs. Ferguson decision of 1896. This model supports the theory that the Brown decision was based on other major civil rights decisions made by the court in the past.
The second model suggests that the Brown decision be based on concerns regarding the social context of legalized segregation. The Supreme Court, most likely would not have declared that segregated schools were unconstitutional, if not for the contradiction to democracy, as viewed by the people throughout the world.
So with the social, historical and psychological testimony of the witnesses assembled by Thurgood Marshall the court concluded: (Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal by virtue of being separate). Somewhere in this jargon was the lost reality that culturally disadvantaged does not mean inherent Black intellectual inferiority.
Since the idea of inherent inferiority was advanced to describe Black schools, the only way to quality education was in a white school. Thus all those Black children who were previously required to attend segregated schools took on feelings of inferiority. Of course this was not true. For example I can personally admit that I did not feel inferior to white people or white children when I passed white schools on my way to a segregated Black school in Chattanooga, Tennessee. But I imagine, some Black children did. Regrettably our own leaders helped further entrench Black inferiorities in those who were probably already struggling with problems of self-esteem.
If Kenneth Clark is confused over the question of integration he is even more confused over Nationalism. Clark confuses Black Nationalism with racism. For example let's review the following statement by Clark:
"Perhaps the most ironic development since the 1954 Supreme Court handed down the Brown decision, however, has not been the continuation of white racism in the south, nor the acknowledgment of the more subtle white racism of the north, but the emergence and growth of Black racism." 17
Clark incorrectly equates Nationalism with racism. The confusion of Black intellectuals like Kenneth Clark helped further the erroneous notion of the Black priority of desegregation and integration. This was a priority coming from civil rights leadership. In reality Black people should have wanted a desegregation that means equal access. Integration, if realized at all, is only a natural out-growth of allowing Blacks equal access to institutions conveyances etc. So with this utter mass confusion rational Black people not duped by the selected leadership of civil rights organizations questioned integration. But those who questioned integration and the civil rights leadership were destroyed or labeled as negative.
For example people like Roy Wilkins called the cry for Black studies programs, Jim Crow studies. Wilkins states "that no Black history becomes significant and meaningful unless it is taught in the context of world and national history. In it’s sealed off, Black studies Centers; it will be simply another exercise in racial breast-beating." 18
What Wilkins fails to realize is that the reason Black students demanded Black Studies Programs is because Black history had been left out of the college curriculums. Also, Black Studies were not an attempt to exclude white or European history but simply a valid academic request to include Black history. From an academic point of view one cannot adequately study U.S. history and exclude Black history. Previous racist college curriculums left students with only a superficial understanding of U.S. history.
Surely to come to know your own history is not criminal. Most integrationist felt they had no history and were so inferior to whites that they were willing to do anything to appease them. We have been very fortunate as a people that this insane thinking does not include most of the Black community.
In support of Black Studies Programs were out spoken activist like Nathan Hare Jr. The following brief quote places' the reactionary integrationist in perspective. "Appalling is the only word I know to describe the sneaky way in which critics like Roy Wilkins accuse us of separatism." 19
Hare and others like him who supported Black Studies saw the Black perspective as a revolutionary idea. Thus, they view Black Studies Programs as revolutionary and nationalistic. The power brokers in America refuse to allow any Black move to independence. Since they control Black colleges and universities they co-opted, established and infiltrated all Black Studies Programs.
I have come to conclude the following from my experiences in a Black Studies Program at Fisk University during 1971 to 1973. Black Studies Programs during the height of Black awareness were breeding grounds for young Black revolutionaries. The power brokers of America wanted to identify this group and take steps to monitor their activities. So they brought in spies of all types. Some were professors and some were students. By the 70's college campuses had spies of all types that reported on everything that took place.
Does academic freedom exist on Black college campuses? Yes, if you accept an accommodationist philosophy, no, if you aspire to be, an independent thinker. Here the United Negro College Fund is a means of financial control. Instead of wasting Black minds the power brokers, and their Black lackeys seek to brainwash young Black students. While the power brokers of America sought to monitor and control all aspects of the Black experience we chased white people. As Jim Crow fell to the dust and as the courts forced school districts to integrate, white people fled to the suburbs. As they ran, we chased them and pleaded with the courts to allow us to integrate with them.
One important tactic used to force integration was to cut off federal funds to school districts that practiced segregation. Federal judges were not immune to racism and this tactic had limited success. Julian Bond a state legislator and activist was prompted to say? "America gave birth to the rhetoric of democracy while it breathed life into what became institutionalized racism." 20
Does civil rights mean integration? The reality is no, but those who profess the philosophy of integration say yes. They believe that integration is a natural component of civil rights. In reality integration may result from civil rights but civil rights should be the major objective and not integration.
1. Louis E. Lomax, The Negro Revolt, Harper & Row, New York, 1971, p. 241.
2. Chattanooga Times, "Clam Transition Is Dunlap's Plea,"1/14/1962, Also see Chattanooga Times, "Ministers urged To Aid Transition," 2/6/1962. Chattanooga Times, “Desegregation Topic of Series,"2/10/1962.
3. Chattanooga Times, "Negroes Say Hostility Not Cause For Delaying Total Desegregation," 2/20/1962.
4. Chattanooga Times, “By Judge Wilson Court Expresses Belief In Ability of Chattanooga To Adjust to System," 3/2/1962. Also see Chattanooga Times, “County Has Racial Plan On Schools," 3/9/1962. Chattanooga Times, "Hecklers Silent As County Voted School Desegregation," 3/11/1962.
5. Chattanooga Times, “Pupil Choice Role Outlined In Court," 3/20/1962.
7. Chattanooga Times, “Desegregation Without Malice Predicted Here," 3/12/1962.
8. Chattanooga Times, “School Change Orderly; 40 Negroes Are Entered In City's White School,." 8/30/1962. Chattanooga Times, "11 Negroes Enter At White Schools In County System," 8/31/1962. Chattanooga Times, "A Challenge Is Met," 9/6/1962.
9. Robert E. Allen, Black Awakening In Capitalist America, Doubleday & Co., Inc., New York, 1970, p. 25.
10. Ibid., p. 49.
11. Charles E. Silberman, Crisis in Black and White, Vintage Books A Division of Random House, New York, 1964, pp. 163-164.
12. Ibid., pp. 165-166.
13. Lerone Bennett, Jr., The White Problem In America, Johnson Publishing Co. Inc., Chicago, 1966, p.6.
14. Ibid., pp. 8-9.
15. Arthur C. Littleton and Mary L. Burger, editors, Black View Points, New American Library, New York, 1971, p. 240. Excerpt taken from Edward W. Brooke, "The Problem of Civil Rights," The Challenge of Change, Little Brown & Co., 1966.
16. Ibid., p. 276. Excerpts from Bayard Rustin, "Towards Integration As A Goal, " The American Federationist, LXXVI, Jan., 1969, pp. 5-7.
17. Ibid., p. 194. Excerpts from Kenneth B. Clark, "Fifteen Years of Deliberate Speed," Saturday Review LII, Dec. 1969, pp. 59-61.
18. Ibid., p., 200. Excerpts from Roy Wilkins, "The Case Against Separatism: "Black Jim Crow” News Week LXXIII, Feb. 10, 1969.
19. Ibid., p. 202. Excerpts from Nathan Hare Jr., "The Case For Separatism: Black Perspective," News Week LXXIII, Feb. 10, 1969.
20. Ibid. p. 362. Excerpts from Julian Bond, "Uniting The Races," Playboy Magazine, XVII, Jan. 1970, pp. 128-154. Also see James Farmer, "Education Is The Answer," Today's Education, LVIII, April, 1969, pp. 25-26.